By Dana Villa
Theodor Adorno as soon as wrote an essay to "defend Bach opposed to his devotees." during this e-book Dana Villa does an analogous for Hannah Arendt, whose sweeping reconceptualization of the character and cost of political motion, he argues, has been coated over and domesticated via admirers (including serious theorists, communitarians, and participatory democrats) who had was hoping to enlist her of their much less radical philosophical or political tasks. opposed to the existing "Aristotelian" interpretation of her paintings, Villa explores Arendt's modernity, and certainly her postmodernity, throughout the Heideggerian and Nietzschean subject matter of a holiday with culture on the closure of metaphysics.Villa's publication, although, is way greater than an insignificant correction of misinterpretations of an enormous thinker's paintings. relatively, he makes a persuasive case for Arendt because the postmodern or postmetaphysical political theorist, the 1st political theorist to imagine throughout the nature of political motion after Nietzsche's exposition of the dying of God (i.e., the cave in of goal correlates to our beliefs, ends, and purposes). After giving an account of Arendt's concept of motion and Heidegger's impression on it, Villa indicates how Arendt did justice to the Heideggerian and Nietzschean feedback of the metaphysical culture whereas averting the political conclusions they drew from their opinions. the result's a wide-ranging dialogue not just of Arendt and Heidegger, yet of Aristotle, Kant, Nietzsche, Habermas, and the complete query of politics after metaphysics.
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Additional info for Arendt and Heidegger: The Fate of the Political
In the Politics, Aristotle makes a strict distinction between the public and private realms, between the activities and relationships appropriate to each. 7 Because it is organized to meet irreducible human needs and operates under constraints imposed by the necessity of guaranteeing continued physical existence, the household presumes relations of inequality. 8 There must be a “head of the household” if this unit is to fulﬁll its basic economic functions. 9 The good life is one of noble and just actions, of ethical and intellectual virtue.
The city or state has priority over the household and over any individual among us. ”14 Only the “whole,” the political association, is or can be self-sufﬁcient; only the polis can meet the full range of human needs, from species preservation to moral development. All other forms of association, the component “parts” of the polis, fall short of this self-sufﬁciency (autarkeia), this perfection (entelechia). They fail to fulﬁll all of human nature. For this reason they cannot be said to possess full independent value; they must be viewed as inferior to the political association.
Only contemplation, the bios theoretikos, seemed to offer a life of freedom, while the bios politikos seemed, if anything, to be more of an entanglement than either labor or work. While Arendt believes that Marx and Nietzsche, in their rebellion against the Socratic-Christian valuation, succeeded in reversing the traditional hierarchy of the contemplative and the active life, the very success of this reversal did nothing to remedy the original blurring of the inner articulations of the vita activa.
Arendt and Heidegger: The Fate of the Political by Dana Villa